We are one people! On the path to german unity
From the end of October isolated demands for a united Germany had been made, and now this idea spread, especially among the protest marchers as they demonstrated in the streets. While in late November artists, intellectuals, members of the citizens movement and politicians were still affirming, with the slogan “for our country,” that the independence of the GDR should be maintained, in reality the tide had already turned. The slogan “We are the people!” was now increasingly turned into “We are one people!” The idea of a united Germany became the focal point of general interest. This was not due to German chancellor Helmut Kohl’s speech in Dresden on December 19, 1989. It was due to the fall of the Berlin Wall. The idea was certainly controversial, but it had a powerful mobilizing effect.
For the time being, however, change continued within the GDR. Events came thick and fast. The SED was forced to come to terms with the fact that it could not continue to exist as the only legal party, and it attempted to shape the transition to the new age in such a way as to suffer as few losses as possible. Already on November 8 the politburo had been reshuffled, many of the old guard were forced out, but Krenz remained momentarily the general secretary of the Party. On November 17 the new regime finally assumed office, but it included only the usual GDR bloc parties. The opposition continued to be ignored at first, since the SED had a majority. Tacitly sanctioned in the old-fashioned manner by the SED politburo, Hans Modrow became the chairman of the Council of Ministers and thus the person on whom the Party pinned its hopes. Sections of the population also saw him in this way, but Modrow had a career as an SED stalwart behind him and was responsible, as district boss, for the early October brutalities in Dresden. This, however, was forgotten in the general mood of starting over again from scratch and what counted was that the old guard had finally stood down.
It goes without saying that they did not do so voluntarily. In addition to the pressure from the demonstrators in the streets, the political opposition also continued its activities and worked to end the SED’s single-party rule, which continued to exist de facto, even though it was greatly weakened. To this end, the opposition pursued a two-front strategy. On the one hand, every party and umbrella organization worked to build up its own structures nation-wide. In this they were strengthened by support from established institutions in the Federal Republic. At the same time, the contact group continued operating and put forward, in the name of all involved organizations, numerous proposals which were to be realized in the short term. Along with the demand for free elections and the appointment of a commission of enquiry into the events of October 7, they included above all this point: the setting up of a round table at which the representatives of the citizens movement and those of the old authorities would discuss and decide, on a basis of parity, further developments. Just a few weeks earlier, such a demand would have been unimaginable, but now it was to become a reality. After tough negotiations on the composition of such a round table, and despite resistance on the part of the SED, in late November the date for its first meeting was set: As from December 7 it was to sit in the Bonhoeffer building of the Lutheran church in downtown Berlin. With that, for the first time ever in the history of the GDR, a multi-party plenum on an even playing field was realized.
At about the same time, another strand in the weft of developments came more and more to public attention and was to acquire increasing importance. When the People’s Chamber met on November 13, the senescent minister for state security, Erich Mielke, stepped up to the podium for the first time in ages and spoke. Since the government’s resignation a short week earlier, he was in any case only holding office on a standby basis, but now he seemed seized by a desire for justification. His appearance turned into a farce. Everyone in the room knew that since the founding of the GDR, the state security services had pulled the strings behind the scenes and had safeguarded the SED’s hold on power through the use of all legal and illegal means. To that end it had thrown a network of spies over the country, had nipped all resistance in the bud and had harassed, arrested, and imprisoned countless people. In doing so, it had obeyed neither the laws of the GDR nor any other judicial rules. And memories were still fresh: the state security services had played an essential role in the brutal actions against peaceful demonstrators on October 7. And now Mielke made his view of matters known. Those present could not believe their ears. Mielke, who appeared to be more than a little disoriented, attempted to portray the MfS as an organization that had always operated in people’s interest, had always tried to put the SED on the right path and had, in any case, always tried through its actions to strengthen the economy of the GDR. When voices were raised to protest against his words, things became completely absurd, because Mielke then declared that he loved everybody and pleaded to be believed. This was to be his last important appearance, and his former colleagues were simply appalled.
After all, the MfS had in the meantime become one of the most important targets of anti-government protest in the streets, and now to cap it all it had rendered itself ridiculous. The MfS members’ belief that they belonged to an elite was finished.
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